The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 04 — Edition Insights

Congress did intend all contingent charges whatever to be included in the salary, and do not think proper to pay on the whole so much, in that case I would humbly suggest, that the saving may be most conveniently made by a diminution of the salary, leaving the contingencies to be charged; because they may necessarily be very different in different years, and at different courts.

I have been more diffuse on this subject, as your letter gave occasion for it, and it is probably the last time I shall mention it. Be pleased to present my dutiful respects to Congress, assure them of my best services, and believe me to be, with sincere esteem, &c.

_P. S._ As you will probably lay this letter before Congress, I take the liberty of joining to it an extract of my letter to the President, of the 12th of March, 1781, and of repeating my request therein contained, relative to my grandson. I enclose, likewise, extracts of letters from Messrs Jay and Laurens, which both show the regard those gentlemen have for him, and their desire of his being noticed by the Congress.[2]

[1] See these letters above, pp. 218, 238.

[2] The following are the extracts of the letters alluded to in this place.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Madrid, April 25th, 1781.

The letters herewith enclosed from Dr Franklin were left open for my perusal; the short stay of my courier at Paris not allowing time for copies to be made of the information conveyed in and with it.

I perceive that Dr Franklin desires to retire; this circumstance calls upon me to assure Congress, that I have reason to be perfectly satisfied with his conduct towards me, and that I have received from him all the aid and attention I could wish or expect. His character is very high here, and I really believe, that the respectability he enjoys throughout Europe has been of general use to our cause and country.

EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM JOHN JAY.

Madrid, April 21st, 1781.

By the letter from Dr Franklin, herewith enclosed, and which he was so obliging as to leave open for my perusal, I find he has requested permission to retire, on account of his age, infirmities, &c. How far his health may be impaired I know not. The letters I have received from him bear no marks of age, and there is an acuteness and sententious brevity in them, which do not indicate an understanding injured by years. I have many reasons to think our country much indebted to him, and I confess it would mortify my pride as an American, if his constituents should be the only people to whom his character is known, and that should deny to his merit and services the testimony given them by other nations. Justice demands of me to assure you, that his reputation and respectability are acknowledged, and have weight here, and that I have received from him all that uniform attention and aid, which were due to the importance of the affairs committed to me.

The affectionate mention he makes of his only descendant, on whom the support of his name and family will devolve, is extremely amiable, and flows in a delicate manner from that virtuous sensibility, by which nature kindly extends the benefits of parental affection, to a period beyond the limits of our lives. This is an affectionate subject, and minds susceptible of the finer sensations are insensibly led at least to wish that the feelings of an ancient patriot, going, in the evening of a long life early devoted to the public, to enjoy repose in the bosom of philosophic retirement, may be gratified by seeing some little sparks of the affection of his country rest on the only support of his age and hope of his family. Such are the effusions of my heart on this occasion, and I pour them into yours, from a persuasion, that they will meet with a hospitable reception from congenial emotions.

COLONEL JOHN LAURENS TO B. FRANKLIN.

Leagues W. of Ortegal, June 9th, 1781.

I snatch a moment to pay my last respects to your Excellency, and to mention a matter, which has occurred to me since my being on board. I have frequently reflected upon the mention, which your Excellency has made of retiring from your present important station, and have never varied the opinion, which I took the liberty of giving you once at the Count de Vergennes', viz. that the best arrangement would be to give your Excellency an active, intelligent Secretary of the Embassy, who might relieve you from the drudgery of office; and that your country should not be deprived of the advantages of your wisdom and influence. The difficulty hitherto has been to find a person properly qualified. The advantages, which your grandson derives from his knowledge of the language, and manners of the people, and his having been so long in your office, and with your Excellency, are very great. The prejudices, which have been entertained against him, may be removed by a personal introduction to Congress, especially if it is combined with rendering a popular service. I take the liberty of proposing to your Excellency, therefore, if you can spare Mr Franklin for the purpose, to commit to his care the second remittance of money, and to hasten his departure with that, and as much of the public supplies of clothing, &c. as may be ready to accompany it. I am persuaded, that in public bodies, the want of a personal acquaintance is a great objection to appointing a man to any important office.

The Engageante's boat demands my letter. I have written in the greatest haste upon a subject, which I hope your Excellency will turn to public utility.

I am, &c. JOHN LAURENS.

Passy, September 4th, 1782.

Mr Oswald's courier being returned, with directions to him to make the independence of America the first article in the treaty, I would wait on you if I could, to discourse on the subject; but as I cannot, I wish to see you here this evening, if not inconvenient to you.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble servant,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, September 5th, 1782.

Having written to you lately, I should not again trouble you so soon, were it not necessary to remind you, that your last letter is dated in March, since which there have been frequent arrivals from France; and since which too we have reason to believe, the most interesting events have taken place in Europe.

We learn from private letters and common fame, that Mr Adams was received by the United Provinces in his public character, on the 19th of April. We have yet no account of this interesting event, nor of the measures he has pursued to accomplish our other objects in Holland. Since then Mr Laurens, it is said, has been liberated, has travelled to Holland and to France, has entered upon the execution of his trust, but has left us to gather events so interesting to him and to us from private letters, and the public prints. Mr Jay tells us on the 24th of May, that he is about to set out for Paris, and that he presumes Dr Franklin has assigned the reasons for this step. Doctor Franklin has told us nothing.

As to Mr Dana, if it were not for the necessity of drawing bills in his favor, we should hardly be acquainted with his existence. It is commonly said, that republics are better informed than monarchs of the state of their foreign affairs, and that they insist upon a greater degree of vigilance and punctuality in their Ministers. We, on the contrary, seem to have adopted a new system. The ignorance, in which we are kept, of every interesting event, renders it impossible for the sovereign to instruct their servants, and of course forms them into an independent privy council for the direction of their affairs, without their advice or concurrence. I can hardly express to you what I feel on this occasion. I blush when I meet a member of Congress, who inquires into what is passing in Europe. When the General applies to me for advice on the same subject, which must regulate his movements, I am compelled to inform him, that we have no intelligence but what he has seen in the papers. The following is an extract of his last letter to me. "But how does it happen, that all our information of what is transacting in Europe should come to hand through indirect channels, or from the enemy; or does this question proceed from my unacquaintedness with facts?"

But let me dismiss a subject, which gives me so much pain, in the hope that we shall in future have no further cause of complaint.

Since the evacuation of Savannah, the enemy have by the general orders contained in the enclosed papers, announced the proposed evacuation of Charleston. We are in daily expectation of hearing, therefore, that tranquillity is restored to the Southern States. Several circumstances lead us to suppose, that they entertain thoughts of abandoning New York sometime this fall. You _only_ can inform us, whether this step has been taken in consequence of any expectations they entertain of a general peace; or with a view to pursue the system, which the present administration appears to have adopted, when they so loudly reprobate the American war; and whether, by withdrawing their troops from hence they only mean to collect their force and direct it against our allies. This knowledge would render such an alteration in our system necessary, that it affords us new reasons for regretting our want of information on these important points.

The Marquis de Vaudreuil has unfortunately lost the Magnifique, sunk by running on a rock in the harbor of Boston, where he is now, with the remainder of his fleet, except three refitting at Portsmouth, consisting of twelve sail of the line. This has enabled Congress to show their attention to His Most Christian Majesty, and their wish to promote his interests as far as their circumstances will permit, by presenting him the America, of seventyfour guns. Enclosed are their resolves on that subject, and the answer given by the Minister of France. The ship is in such a state, that she may by diligence be refitted for sea in about two months; and from the accounts I hear of her, she will I believe prove a fine ship. The General is collecting the army. The last division of the French troops marched from here this morning. When collected, they will, I presume, repair to their old post, at the White Plains, and perhaps endeavor to accelerate the departure of the enemy.

I am sorry you did not pursue your first design, and enlarge in your letter upon the subjects, which you imagined would be discussed in the negotiations for peace. It might have changed our sentiments, and altered our views on some points. Two things are of great moment to us, one of which at least would meet with no difficulty, if France and England understand their true interests; I mean the West India trade, and the right to cut logwood and mahogany. Without a free admission of all kinds of provisions into the Islands, our agriculture will suffer extremely. This will be severely felt at first, and when it remedies itself, which it will do in time, it must be at the expense of the nations that share our commerce. It will lessen the consumption of foreign sugars, increase the supplies which the poorer people among us draw from the maple, &c. and by reducing the price of provision, and rendering the cultivation of lands less profitable, make proportionable increase of our own manufactures, and lessen our dependence on Europe. This will, I must confess, in some measure check our population, and so far I regard it as an evil. The merchants and farmers, if precluded at a peace from the advantages, which this commerce gave them while connected with England, ----.[3] Then a variety of arguments on this subject, arising as well from the general interests of France, as from her political connexion with us, might be urged to show the wisdom of adopting the same liberal sentiments on this point, which has of late distinguished her in so many others. But if she should not be able to overcome her ancient prejudices, I believe they will be found to have less influence on the British, whom you will press earnestly on this head. Besides the general interest of the kingdom, there is with them a powerful West India interest, to plead in behalf of a free importation of provisions into their Islands. If I mistake not, the present wishes of the nation, as well as the professions of administration, lead to every measure, which may wear away our present resentments, and strengthen the connexion between us and them.

The logwood trade we have some claim to, from our continued exercise of the right. Nor can England pretend to exclude us from it, without invalidating her own title, which stands upon the same ground. If Spain admits the right in England, she gains nothing by excluding us, since in proportion as she diminishes our commerce in that article, she increases that of Great Britain. Other manufacturing nations are interested in exciting a competition between us at their markets.

When you write to me, be pleased to be very particular in your relation of every step, which leads to a negotiation. Everything of this kind must be interesting.

I have the honor to be, Sir, ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

[3] The sense is broken here, owing to the omission of three lines in cypher, the key to which could not be found.

RICHARD OSWALD TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, September 5th, 1782.

In consequence of the notice I have just now had from Mr Jay of your desire of an extract from my last letter from the Secretary of State, regarding the proposed treaty on the subject of American affairs, and my authority in relation thereto, I take the liberty to send the same enclosed, which, together with the powers contained in the commission, which I had the honor of laying before you and Mr Jay, I am hopeful will satisfy you of the willingness and sincere desire of his Majesty to give you entire content on that important subject.

This extract I would have sent before now, if I had thought you wished to have it before I had the honor of waiting on you myself; which was only delayed until I should be informed by Mr Jay, that you were well enough to see me upon business.

I heartily wish you a recovery of your health, and am, with sincere esteem and regard, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,

Passy, September 8th, 1782.

I have received the honor of yours, dated the 5th instant, enclosing an extract of a letter to your Excellency, from the right honorable Thomas Townshend, one of his Majesty's principal Secretaries of State, wherein your conduct in communicating to us the fourth article of your instructions appears to have been approved by his Majesty. I suppose, therefore, that there is no impropriety in my requesting a copy of that instruction; and if you see none, I wish to receive it from you, hoping it may be of use in removing some of the difficulties that obstruct our proceeding.[4]

With great and sincere esteem, I am, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

[4] Copy of the Fourth Article of his Majesty's instructions to Richard Oswald, for his government in treating with the Commissioners of the Thirteen United Colonies of America for a truce or peace, the said instructions being dated the 31st day of July, 1782, viz.

"4th Article. In case you find the American Commissioners are not at liberty to treat on any terms short of independence, you are to declare to them, that you have authority to make that concession. Our ardent wish for peace, disposing us to purchase it at the price of acceding to the complete independence of the Thirteen Colonies, namely, New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the Three lower Counties on the Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in North America."

Passy, September 11th, 1782.

A long and severe indisposition has delayed my acknowledging the receipt of the letter your Lordship did me the honor of writing to me by Mr Fitzherbert.

You do me justice in believing, that I agree with you in earnestly wishing the establishment of an honorable and lasting peace; and I am happy to be assured by your Lordship, that it is the system of the Ministers with whom you are co-operating. I know it to be the sincere desire of the United States, and with such dispositions on both sides there is reason to hope, that the good work in its progress will meet with little difficulty. A small one has occurred in the commencement, with which Mr Oswald will acquaint you. I flatter myself that means will be found on your part for removing it; and my best endeavors in removing the subsequent ones (if any should arise) may be relied on.

I had the honor of being known to your Lordship's father. On several occasions he manifested a regard for me, and a confidence in me. I shall be happy if my conduct in the present important business may procure me the same rank in the esteem of his worthy successor.

I am, with sincere respect, my Lord, your Lordship's most obedient and most humble servant,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.

I have nothing to add to mine of the 5th instant, but to congratulate you on the safe arrival of two vessels from Holland, having on board the goods left by Commodore Gillon, and to present you in the name of Mr Paine, with three copies of a late work of his addressed to the Abbé Raynal, in which he takes notice of some of the many errors with which his work abounds. The Abbé has a fine imagination, and he indulges it. The enclosed resolution contains an important fact, which I am using means to ascertain; but from the ill success I have hitherto met with in every similar attempt, I am fearful that it will be very long before I can effect it.

I have the honor to be, Sir, with great respect and esteem, your most obedient humble servant,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, September 12th, 1782.

Since writing the above, I have received the enclosed resolutions of Congress. I have already anticipated all that can be said upon the subject of the last; the melancholy tale of our necessities is sufficiently known to you, it has been too often repeated to need recitation.

Mr Morris, who writes from an empty Treasury amidst perpetual duns, will speak more feelingly. In short, money must be obtained for us at any rate, whether we have peace or war. France having already done much for us, and it not being probable that we shall extend our demands beyond the present, she may think it wise not to let us open accounts with a new banker, since the debtor is always more or less under obligations to the creditor.

I have the honor to be, Sir, with respect and esteem,

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Passy, September 17th, 1782.

Since those acknowledged in my last, I have received your several favors of August the 16th, 20th, and 26th. I have been a long time afflicted with the gravel and gout, which have much indisposed me for writing. I am even now in pain, but will no longer delay some answer.

I did not perfectly comprehend the nature of your appointment respecting the refugees, and I supposed you would in a subsequent letter explain it. But, as I now find you have declined the service, such explanation is become unnecessary.

I did receive the paper you inquire about, entitled _Preliminaries_, and dated May, 1782, but it was from you, and I know nothing of their having been communicated to this Court. The third proposition, "that in case the negotiation between Great Britain and the allies of America should not succeed, but the war continue between them, America should act and be treated as a neutral nation," appeared at first sight inadmissible, being contrary to our treaty. The truce too seems not to have been desired by any of the parties.

With unalterable esteem and affection, I am, my dear Friend, ever yours, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO B. FRANKLIN.

Philadelphia, September 18th, 1782.