The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 07 — Inside the Classic

Mississippi had not been kept secret; use that might have been made of the claim.--Has another interview with the Minister; stoppage of the letters from America; the affair of the Dover cutter; cession of the claims of the United States to the navigation of the Mississippi; the Count remarks that these affairs can be settled at a general peace.--Letter from Mr Jay (Madrid, July 2d, 1781), to the Count de Florida Blanca, declaring that he has been instructed to cede the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi.--Letter from Mr Jay (Madrid, July 2d, 1781), to the Count de Montmorin, communicating the above.--Receiving no answer from the Minister, Mr Jay calls upon him, and is informed that he cannot attend to the matter.--Letters from Mr Jay (Madrid, July 13th, 1781), to the Count de Florida Blanca communicating his instructions.--Note from the Count de Florida Blanca (St Ildefonso, July 1st, 1781), to Mr Jay proposing to attend to American affairs.--Mr Jay visits the Minister with Major Franks; general conversation.--Renewed delays.--Letter from Mr Jay (St. Ildefonso, September 16th, 1781), to the Count de Montmorin, enclosing the draft of a letter to the Count de Florida Blanca, and requesting the advice of the Ambassador.--Note from the Count de Florida Blanca to Mr Jay requesting him to call upon him.--Notes of the conference between Mr Jay and the Count de Florida Blanca (September 19th, 1781); the Count requests Mr Jay to draw up an outline of the proposed treaties; aids; commercial connexion; treaty of alliance; the Count observes that Congress has done nothing to gratify the King; a person will be appointed to confer further with Mr Jay.--Letter from Mr Jay (St Ildefonso, September 22d, 1781), to the Count de Florida Blanca requesting that some decisive measure be taken in regard to American affairs.--Propositions toward a plan of a treaty, with remarks; the subject of aids will require a separate convention; also the regulation of the mutual conduct of the parties during the war.--Mr Jay's reason for limiting the duration of the offer contained in the sixth proposition, relating to the navigation of the Mississippi; arts of Spain.--Note from the Count de Florida Blanca to Mr Jay, expressing a hope that some progress will soon be made in the consideration of the propositions.--Embarrassments in providing for the payment of the bills.--Mr Harrison's services.--Proposes the sending of an agent to Portugal.

To the President of Congress. Madrid, October 18th, 1781, 506

Has protested some of the bills.

Robert R. Livingston to John Jay. Philadelphia, November 1st, 1781, 507

Organization of the new executive departments.--The debt of the United States not so large as might have been expected.--British American recruits.--Proposes that Spain should furnish a convoy between Havana and the United States.--Plan for paying the French troops in specie from Havana.

Robert R. Livingston to John Jay. Philadelphia, November 28th, 1781, 511

State of military affairs.--The Marquis de la Fayette.

ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF PEACE.

CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, December 14th, 1782.

There is more matter than time to write at present. The King of Sweden has done the United States great honor in his commission to his Minister here, to treat with them, by inserting, that he had a great desire to form a connexion with States, which had so fully established their independence, and by their wise and gallant conduct so well deserved it; and his Minister desired it might be remembered, that his sovereign was the first who had voluntarily proposed a treaty with us.[1]

Mr Secretary Townshend announced, on the 3d of December, in a letter to the Lord Mayor, the signature of our preliminaries. On the 5th, his Majesty announced it in his speech to both Houses. Addresses of thanks, in both Houses, passed without a division.

There is a note in the _Courier de l'Europe_, of the 6th instant, worth transcribing, viz. "We mark these three lines in italics, to notice at present the assertion, which we shall consider more fully hereafter, that we do not owe to any of the causes assigned at present, even in the two Houses of Parliament, the peace, the blessings of which we consider as certain, but to the armed neutrality. This peace will be durable."

I have transcribed this note, because it falls in with an opinion, that I have long entertained. The armed neutrality, and even Mr Dana's mission to it, have had greater effects, than the world is yet informed of, and would have had much greater, if his hands had not been tied.

On the 4th instant, I wrote a resignation of all my employments in Europe, which I have now the honor to confirm, and to request, that the acceptance of it may be transmitted to me several ways, by the first ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

[1] See Dr Franklin's letter on this subject, dated June the 25th, 1782. _Franklin's Correspondence_, Vol. III. p. 371.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON TO JOHN ADAMS.

Philadelphia, December 19th, 1782.

The enclosed letter for Mr Dana you will open and peruse. It may possibly contain information, that may be useful to you, which it will be unnecessary to repeat here.

I mentioned in my last, Mr Jefferson's appointment; I have the pleasure of adding now, that I have received an account from him of his acceptance of the place. He will be here in the course of ten or twelve days, and sail with Count de Rochambeau, who proposes to return to France. The French troops have embarked with the Marquis de Vaudreuil, and are to sail for the West Indies, unless they should receive counter orders, by a frigate, which is now in the river. Her letters are not yet come up, as she unfortunately ran ashore at Dover; it is yet uncertain whether she will be saved.

The great political question, which at present engages the attention of Congress, is the means of providing for the payment of the public debts, or at least establishing such funds for the regular discharge of the interest, as may set their creditors at ease as to their capitals. It was imagined, that a duty of five per cent upon all imposts would afford a fund adequate to this. Congress accordingly recommended it to the several States to impose the duty. They have all complied, except Rhode Island. Her refusal renders the other laws nugatory, as they contain clauses suspending their operation until the measure is generally adopted. Congress are about to send down a committee to endeavor to persuade Rhode Island to comply with a measure, that they deem so essential to public credit. It is extremely difficult in a country, so little used to taxes as ours is, to lay them directly, and almost impossible to impose them so equally as not to render them too oppressive on some members of the community, while others contribute little or nothing. This difficulty is increased by the continued change of property in this country, and by the small proportion the income bears to the value of lands.

By a short letter just received from Mr Jay, it appears, that England has at length swallowed the bitter pill, and agreed to treat with the "Thirteen United States of America." I am still at a loss to account for this commission's being directed to Mr Oswald, while Mr Fitzherbert's continues in force; or is that revoked?[2] I will not trouble myself with guesses, as I must receive despatches today, that will explain the mystery, if either Dr Franklin or Mr Jay have kept their words with me.

I have the honor to be, &c.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

[2] The two commissions were for distinct purposes; Mr Oswald's to treat with the American Commissioners alone; and Mr Fitzherbert's to treat for a general peace with the European powers, then at war with England.

TO CHARLES W.F. DUMAS.

Paris, January 1st, 1783.

Returning this evening from Versailles, where I had been to make the compliments of the season, I found your favors of the 26th and 27th of December. The letters enclosed shall be forwarded, as you desire.

The Dutch Ministers here have no occasion for my assistance. _Non tali auxilio._ I have the honor to be more particularly acquainted with M. Brantzen, who is certainly a very able man, and universally acknowledged to be so by all who know him. The arguments, which I know he has used with the British Minister, are such as can never be answered, both upon the liberty of navigation, and the compensation for damages. He is an entire master of his subject, and has urged it with a degree of perspicuity and eloquence, that I know has much struck his antagonists.

Unnecessary, however, as any exertions of mine have been, I have not omitted any opportunity of throwing in any friendly suggestions in my power, where there was a possibility of doing any good to our good friends, the Dutch. I have made such suggestions to Mr Fitzherbert. But with Mr Oswald, I have had several very serious conversations upon the subject. So I have also with Mr Vaughan and Mr Whiteford.

To Mr Oswald I urged the necessity of Great Britain's agreeing with the Dutch upon the unlimited freedom of navigation, from a variety of topics, some of which I may explain to you more particularly hereafter. Thus much I may say at present, that I told him, that it was impossible for Great Britain to avoid it; it would probably be insisted upon by all the other powers. France and Spain, as well as Russia, Sweden, Denmark, Prussia, the Emperor, and Portugal, as well as Holland, had already signed the armed neutrality. The United States of America had declared themselves ready to sign, and were ready. The combination being thus powerful, Great Britain could not resist it. But if she should refuse to agree to it with Holland, and the other powers should acquiesce, and Holland should make peace without it (which would never, however, be the case,) yet all would be ineffectual, for Holland would forever be able to make use of other neutral bottoms, and would thus enjoy the benefit of this liberty and reality, though denied it by treaty, and in appearance. It would, therefore, be more for the honor and interest of Great Britain to agree to it with a good grace, in the treaty with Holland. Nay, the wisest part she could act would be to set on foot a negotiation immediately for signing herself the Treaty of Armed Neutrality, and then admitting it into the treaty with Holland would be a thing of course. At one of these conversations Dr Franklin was present, who supported me with all his weight; at another, Mr Jay seconded me with all his abilities and ingenuity. Mr Oswald has several times assured me, that he had written these arguments and his own opinion, in conformity with them, to the King's Ministers in London, and I doubt not they will be adopted.

With respect to the compensation for damages, it is impossible to add anything to the arrangements M. Brantzen has urged to show the justice of it, and if Britain is really wise, she will think it her policy to do everything in her power to soften the resentment of the Dutch, and regain their good will and good humor.

The rage of Great Britain, however, has carried her to such extravagant lengths, in a cause unjust from beginning to end, that she is scarcely able to repair the injuries she has done. America has a just claim to compensation for all her burnt towns and plundered property, and indeed for all her slaughtered sons, if that were possible. I shall continue to embrace every opportunity that presents, of doing all the little service in my power to our good friends the Dutch, whose friendship for us I shall not soon forget. This must be communicated with great discretion, if at all.

My best respects to all.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, January 22d, 1783.

Upon a sudden notification from the Count de Vergennes, Dr Franklin and myself, in the absence of Mr Jay and Mr Laurens, went to Versailles, and arrived at the Count's office at ten o'clock on Monday, the 20th of this month. At eleven, arrived the Count d'Aranda and Mr Fitzherbert. The Ministers of the three Crowns, signed and sealed the preliminaries of peace and an armistice, in presence of Doctor Franklin and myself, who also signed and sealed a declaration of an armistice between the Crown of Great Britain and the United States of America, and received a counter declaration from Mr Fitzherbert. Copies of these declarations are enclosed.[3]

The King of Great Britain has made a declaration concerning the terms, that he will allow to the Dutch; but they are not such as will give satisfaction to that unfortunate nation, for whom, on account of their friendship for us, and the important benefits we have received from it, I feel very sensibly and sincerely. Yesterday we went to Versailles again to make our court to the King and royal family upon the occasion, and received the compliments of the Foreign Ministers.

The Count d'Aranda invited me to dine with him on Sunday next, and said he hoped that the affairs of Spain and the United States would be soon adjusted _à l'aimable_. I answered, that I wished it with all my heart. The two Floridas and Minorca are more than a _quantum meruit_ for what this Power has done, and the Dutch unfortunately are to suffer for it. It is not in my power to say when the definitive treaty will be signed. I hope not before the Dutch are ready, in six weeks or two months at farthest I suppose.

It is no longer necessary for Congress to appoint another person in my place in the commission for peace, because it will be executed before this reaches America. But I beg leave to renew the resignation of the credence to the States-General, and the commission for borrowing money in Holland, and to request, that no time may be lost in transmitting the acceptance of this resignation, and another person to take that station, that I may be able to go home in the spring ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

[3] Contained in the Correspondence of the Ministers for negotiating peace.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, January 23d, 1783.

The letters you did me the honor to write on the 6th, and 18th of November, came safe to hand.

You do me honor, Sir, in applauding the judgment I have formed from time to time of the Court of Britain, and future ages will give me credit for the judgment I have formed of some other Courts. The true designs of a Minister of State are not difficult to be penetrated by an honest man of common sense, who is in a situation to know anything of the secret of affairs, and to observe constantly the chain of public events; for whatever ostensible appearances may be put on, whatever obliquities may be imagined, however the web may be woven, or the thread doubled and twisted, enough will be seen to unravel the whole.

My opinions, as you observe, sometimes run counter to those generally received; but the reason of this has generally been, that I have had earlier evidence than the generality, and I have had the satisfaction to find, that others have formed the same judgment, when they have had the same intelligence. I do not affect singularity, nor love to be in a minority, though truth and justice have sometimes obliged me to be so. You say, that nothing can be more conformable to your wishes than the instructions I transmitted. I am not surprised at this; it is very natural. Had I never been on this side of the Atlantic, I believe I should have been of your mind in this particular. At present I cannot be, and I believe, by this time, the Dutch regret having given them. You will hear enough of the reason of it. I have lived long enough, and had experience enough of the conduct of governments, and people, nations, and courts, to be convinced, that gratitude, friendship, unsuspecting confidence, and all the most amiable passions in human nature, are the most dangerous guides in politics. I assure you, Sir, if we had not been more cautious than the Dutch, we should have been worse off than they, and our country would have suffered much more.

Mr Laurens has been here, and has behaved with great caution, firmness, and wisdom. He arrived so late, as only to attend the two last days of the conferences, the 29th and 30th of November. But the short time he was with us, he was of great service to the cause. He has done great service to America in England, where his conversation has been such as the purest and firmest American could wish it, and has made many converts. He is gone again to Bath, and his journey will do as much good to his country as to his health. He will return to the signature of the definitive treaty.

The ratifications of my contracts have been received.

The release of Captain Asgill was so exquisite a relief to my feelings, that I have not much cared what interposition it was owing to. It would have been a horrid damp to the joys of peace, if we had received a disagreeable account of him.

The difference between Denmark and Holland is of no serious nature. The clue to the whole is, the Queen Dowager is sister to the Duke of Brunswick; but there is nothing to fear from Denmark. As to the northern powers, we have nothing to fear from any of them. All of them, and all the neutral powers, would have acknowledged our independence before now, by receiving Mr Dana to sign the principles of the armed neutrality, if he had not been restrained from acting. The unlimited confidence of Congress has been grossly abused, and we should have been irreparably injured, if we had not been upon our guard. As our liberties and most important interests are now secured, as far as they can be, against Great Britain, it would be my wish to say as little as possible of the policy of any Minister of our first ally, which has not been as we could desire, and to retain forever a grateful remembrance of the friendly assistance we have received. But we have evidence enough to warn us against unlimited confidence in any European Minister of State.

I have never drawn upon Dr Franklin for any money, since the end of my two and a half years' salary; and he tells me he has made no use of the bills. I had received money for my subsistence of Messieurs Willinks, and as it will be but a few months more, at farthest, that I shall have to subsist in Europe, I beg leave to proceed to the end in the same way. I shall receive only the amount of my salary, and settle the account with Congress on my return.

I hope to be safely landed on my native shore in the month of June; and to this end, I beg that an appointment may be made to the Dutch mission, and the acceptance of my resignation be transmitted to me by the first ships.

I have the honor to be, &c.

Paris, January 29th, 1783.

Upon receiving the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on the 24th, late last evening, I went immediately to consult with my colleague, Mr Jay, and we agreed to go this morning to Dr Franklin. Accordingly today we went together to Passy, and communicated your letter to him, and after recollecting the powers we have received, we all agreed that I should make you the following answer.

You will readily recollect the resolutions of Congress, which I did myself the honor two years ago to communicate to the President of their High Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague. The letter to the President was sent "_au greffe_," and there may, perhaps, be now found. These resolutions contained the approbation of Congress, of the principles of the declaration of the Empress of Russia, and authorised any of the American Ministers in Europe, if invited thereto, to pledge the faith of the United States to the observance of them.