The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. 03 — A Closer Reading

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Sparks, Jared, 1789-1866 [Editor] Project Gutenberg 2013 Not confirmed
United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783; United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources Readers of public-domain and historical texts
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Words 152,049
Reading time 662 min
Text sections 16

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Jared Sparks's 1829 collection of Revolutionary-era diplomatic letters, primarily Benjamin Franklin's correspondence from France, reveals how American agents negotiated aid, naval strategy, and commercial treaties through detailed, pragmatic arguments.
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Little was done by the Commissioners in Paris for more than a year, as France was not then prepared to take an open part against England. The success of the American arms against Burgoyne became the turning point in the French Cabinet, and they immediately consented to make treaties of amity and commerce with the United States, which were definitively signed on the 6th of February, 1778. This great work being finished, Congress deemed it expedient to dissolve the Commission by appointing a Minister Plenipotentiary to the Court of France. The choice fell on Dr Franklin, and, notwithstanding his advanced age, and the arduous nature of the office, he accepted the appointment, and discharged the entire duties of it to the end of the Revolution.

While holding the place of joint Commissioner in France, Congress elected him, on the 1st of January, 1777, to a separate mission to the Court of Spain. Upon this mission, however, he never entered, and it was afterwards transferred to Arthur Lee.

Towards the close of the war, Dr Franklin strenuously urged Congress to permit him to return to his own country, requesting that a successor might be sent out, whose years and strength would better qualify him to endure the labors and perform the services of his station. But Congress did not listen to this petition. His counsels and experience were thought essential to the management of the important concerns then pending. He took a leading part in all the negotiations for peace, and, in conjunction with John Adams, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, signed the preliminary articles, November 30th, 1782, and the definitive treaty, September 3d, 1783. On the 3d of April, of the same year, he concluded a treaty of amity and commerce, with the Swedish Minister in Paris, between Sweden and the United States.

Mr Jefferson at length arrived in Paris as his successor, and Dr Franklin returned to Philadelphia in September, 1785, after an absence of nine years, during the whole of which time he had been engaged in a most active, laborious, and successful service for his country.

TO JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Nantes, December 8th, 1776.

In thirty days after we left the Capes of Delaware, we came to an anchor in Quiberon Bay. I remained on board four days, expecting a change of wind proper to carry the ship into the river Loire; but the wind seemed fixed in an opposite quarter. I landed at Aury, and with some difficulty got hither, the road not being well supplied with means of conveyance. Two days before we saw land, we met a brigantine from Bordeaux belonging to Cork, and another from Rochefort belonging to Hull, both of which were taken. The first had on board staves, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other coniac brandy and flaxseed. There is some difficulty in determining what to do with them, as they are scarce worth sending to America, and the mind of the French Court, with regard to prizes brought into their ports, is not yet known. It is certainly contrary to their treaties with Britain, to permit the sale of them, and we have no regular means of trying and condemning them. There are, however, many here, who would purchase prizes, we having already had several offers from persons who are willing to take upon themselves all consequences as to the illegality. Captain Wickes, as soon as he can get his refreshment, intends to cruise in the channel.

Our friends in France have been a good deal dejected with the Gazette accounts of advantages obtained against us by the British troops. I have helped them here to recover their spirits a little, by assuring them that we still face the enemy, and were under no apprehension of their armies being able to complete their junction. I understand that Mr Lee has lately been at Paris, that Mr Deane is still there, and that an underhand supply is obtained from the government of two hundred brass field pieces, thirty thousand firelocks, and some other military stores, which are now shipping for America, and will be convoyed by a ship of war. The Court of England (Mr Penet tells me, from whom I have the above intelligence) had the folly to demand Mr Deane to be delivered up, but were refused.

Our voyage, though not long, was rough, and I feel myself weakened by it, but I now recover strength daily, and in a few days shall be able to undertake the journey to Paris. I have not yet taken any public character, thinking it prudent first to know whether the Court is ready and willing to receive Ministers publicly from the Congress, that we may neither embarrass her on the one hand, nor subject ourselves to the hazard of a disgraceful refusal on the other. I have despatched an express to Mr Deane, with the letters that I had for him from the Committee, and a copy of our commission, that he may immediately make the proper inquiries, and give me information. In the mean time I find it generally supposed here, that I am sent to negotiate, and that opinion appears to give great pleasure, if I can judge by the extreme civilities I meet with from numbers of the principal people, who have done me the honor to visit me.

I have desired Mr Deane, by some speedy and safe means, to give Mr Lee notice of his appointment. I find several vessels here laden with military stores for America, just ready to sail; on the whole, there is the greatest prospect that we shall be well provided for another campaign, and much stronger than we were last. A Spanish fleet has sailed with seven thousand land forces foot and some horse. Their destination unknown, but supposed against the Portuguese in Brazil. Both France and England are preparing strong fleets, and it is said, that all the powers of Europe are preparing for war, apprehending that a general one cannot be very far distant. When I arrive at Paris I shall be able to write with more certainty. I beg you to present my duty to Congress, and assure them of my most faithful endeavors in their service.

With the sincerest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Nantes, December 8th, 1776.

After a short but rough passage of thirty days, we anchored in Quiberon Bay, the wind not suiting to enter the Loire. Captain Wickes did everything in his power to make the voyage comfortable to me; and I was much pleased with what I saw of his conduct as an officer, when on supposed occasions we made preparation for engagement, the good order and readiness with which it was done, being far beyond my expectations, and I believe equal to anything of the kind in the best ships of the king's fleet. He seems to have also a very good set of officers under him. I hope they will all in good time be promoted. He met and took two prizes, brigantines, one belonging to Cork, laden with staves, pitch, tar, turpentine, and claret; the other to Hull, with a cargo of flaxseed and brandy. The captains have made some propositions of ransom, which, perhaps, may be accepted, as there is yet no means of condemning them here, and they are scarce worth sending to America. The ship is yet in Quiberon Bay, with her prizes. I came hither from thence, seventy miles, by land. I am made extremely welcome here, where America has many friends. As soon as I have recovered strength enough for the journey, which I hope will be in a very few days, I shall set out for Paris. My letter to the President will inform you of some other particulars.

With great esteem, I have the honor to be, &c.

_P. S. December 10th._ I have just learnt that eighty pieces of cannon, all brass, with carriages, braces, and everything fit for immediate service, were embarked in a frigate from Havre, which is sailed; the rest were to go in another frigate of thirtysix guns.

FROM THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE TO BENJAMIN FRANKLIN.

Baltimore, January 1st, 1777.

Congress, relying on your wisdom and integrity, and well knowing the importance of the case, have appointed you their Commissioner to negotiate a treaty of friendship and commerce with the Court of Spain.[1] The idea of Congress on this subject you will find in the instructions sent by this opportunity to yourself, and the other Commissioners, at the Court of France. Your commission for this special service we have now the honor to enclose you.

We are, with great respect and esteem, honorable Sir, yours, &c.

B. HARRISON, R. H. LEE, J. WITHERSPOON, W. HOOPER.

[1] See the _Secret Journals of Congress_, Vol. II. pp. 38, 41, 42.

TO THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Paris, January 4th, 1777.

I arrived here about two weeks since, where I found Mr Deane. Mr Lee has since joined us from London. We have had an audience of the Minister, Count de Vergennes, and were respectfully received. We left for his consideration a sketch of the proposed treaty.[2] We are to wait upon him tomorrow with a strong memorial, requesting the aids mentioned in our instructions. By his advice, we have had an interview with the Spanish Ambassador, Count d'Aranda, who seems well disposed towards us, and will forward copies of our memorials to his Court, which will act, he says, in perfect concert with this.

[2] See this sketch in the Secret Journals of Congress, Vol. II, p. 7.

Their fleets are said to be in fine order, manned and fit for sea. The cry of this nation is for us, but the Court, it is thought, views an approaching war with reluctance. The press continues in England. As soon as we can receive a positive answer from these Courts, we shall despatch an express with it.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, January 20th, 1777.

The bearer, Captain Balm, is strongly recommended to me as a very able officer of horse, and capable of being extremely useful to us, in forming a body of men for that service. As he has otherwise an excellent character, I take the liberty of recommending him to my friends as a stranger of merit, worthy of their civilities, and to the Congress as an officer, who if employed may greatly serve a cause, which he has sincerely at heart.

With great respect, &c.

TO THE COUNT D'ARANDA, SPANISH AMBASSADOR TO THE COURT OF FRANCE.

Passy,[3] April 7th, 1777.

I left in your Excellency's hands, to be communicated, if you please, to your Court, a duplicate of the commission from Congress, appointing me to go to Spain as their Minister Plenipotentiary. But, as I understand, that the receiving such a Minister is not at present thought convenient, and I am sure the Congress would have nothing done that might incommode in the least a Court they so much respect, I shall therefore postpone that journey till circumstances may make it more suitable. In the mean time, I beg leave to lay before his Catholic Majesty, through the hands of your Excellency, the propositions contained in a resolution of Congress, dated December 30th, 1776, viz.

"That if His Catholic Majesty will join with the United States in a war against Great Britain, they will assist in reducing to the possession of Spain the town and harbor of Pensacola; provided the inhabitants of the United States shall have the free navigation of the Mississippi, and the use of the harbor of Pensacola; and will, (provided it shall be true, that his Portuguese Majesty has insultingly expelled the vessels of these States from his ports, or has confiscated any such vessels,) declare war against the said King, if that measure shall be agreeable to, and supported by, the Courts of France and Spain."

It is understood, that the strictest union subsists between those two Courts; and in case Spain and France should think fit to attempt the conquest of the English sugar islands, Congress have further proposed to furnish provisions to the amount of two millions of dollars, and to join the fleet employed on the occasion, with six frigates of not less than twentyfour guns each, manned and fitted for service; and to render any other assistance which may be in their power, as becomes good allies; without desiring for themselves the possession of any of the said islands.

These propositions are subject to discussion, and to receive such modification as may be found proper.

With great respect, I have the honor to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant,

[3] Passy is a small town about three miles from Paris, on the banks of the Seine. Dr Franklin lived here during the whole of his residence in France.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Paris, June 13th, 1777.

The bearer, M. le Comte Kotkouski, a Polish officer, is recommended to me by several persons of worth here, as a man of experience in military affairs, and of tried bravery. He has lost his family and estate in Poland, by fighting there in the cause of liberty, and wishes, by engaging in the same cause, to find a new country and new friends in America. Count Pulaski, who was a General of the confederates in Poland, and who is gone to join you, is esteemed one of the greatest officers in Europe. He can give you the character of this M. Kotkouski, who served under him as Lieutenant Colonel.

It is with regret that I give letters of introduction to foreign officers, fearing that you may be troubled with more than you can provide for, or employ to their and your own satisfaction. When particular cases seem to have a claim to such letters, I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty. I give no expectations to those who apply for them; I promise nothing, I acquaint them that their being placed when they arrive is a great uncertainty, and that the voyage being long, expensive, and hazardous, I counsel them not to undertake it. This honest gentleman's zeal is not to be discouraged by such means; he determines to go and serve as a volunteer, if he cannot be employed immediately as an officer; but I wish and hope that your Excellency may find a better situation for him, and that he will be a useful officer. He has the advantage of understanding English, and will soon speak it intelligibly. He also speaks German, and some other European languages, and the Latin.

With the truest esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

Paris, June 13th, 1777.

The person, who will have the honor of delivering this to your Excellency, is Monsieur le Baron de Frey, who is well recommended to me as an officer of experience and merit, with a request that I would give him a letter of introduction. I have acquainted him, that you are rather overstocked with officers, and that his obtaining employment in your army is an uncertainty; but his zeal for the American cause is too great for any discouragements I can lay before him, and he goes over at his own expense, to take his chance, which is a mark of attachment that merits our regard. He will show your Excellency the commissions and proofs of his military service hitherto, and I beg leave to recommend him to your notice.

With the sincerest esteem and respect,

M. DUBOURG TO B. FRANKLIN.

Paris, September 8th, 1777

I should be much obliged to you, if you would be so good as to give a letter of recommendation to some one of the chiefs of your army, in favor of a young man full of courage, and also of distinguished talents, who is at Bordeaux, ready to embark for America, where he proposes to settle himself in Pennsylvania, after having served in quality of volunteer, or otherwise, during the war. His name is Gerard. He carries with him a little adventure, sufficient for supporting him some years, and afterwards, if it is there customary, his father will make over to him his portion. I interest myself particularly in his favor, because he is the brother in law of one of our honestest commissaries.

I have the honor to wish you a good day, and to reiterate the assurances of my inviolable attachment.

Passy, September 12th, 1777.

The bearer Monsieur Gerard is recommended to me by M. Dubourg, a gentleman of distinction here, and a hearty friend to our cause. I enclose his letter, that you may see the favorable manner in which he speaks of M. Gerard. I thereupon take the liberty of recommending the young gentleman, to your civilities and advice, as he will be quite a stranger there, and to request that you would put him in the way of serving as a volunteer in our armies.

REMARKS ON A LOAN FOR THE UNITED STATES.[4]

[4] This paper was written by Dr Franklin in the summer of 1777, with the view of convincing Europeans, that it was more eligible to lend money to the United States at that time, than to England. It was translated and sent to different parts of Europe. In Mr Arthur Lee's letter to the Baron de Schulenburg, dated September 21st, 1777, he mentions having sent a copy of it to that Minister.

In borrowing money, a man's credit depends on some, or all, of the following particulars.

First, His known conduct respecting former loans, and his punctuality in discharging them.

Secondly, His industry.

Thirdly, His frugality.

Fourthly, The amount and the certainty of his income, and the freedom of his estate from the incumbrances of prior debts.

Fifthly, His well founded prospects of greater future ability, by the improvement of his estate in value, and by aids from others.

Sixthly, His known prudence in managing his general affairs, and the advantage they will probably receive from the loan which he desires.

Seventhly, His known probity and honest character, manifested by his voluntary discharge of debts, which he could not have been legally compelled to pay. The circumstances, which give credit to an _individual_, ought to have, and will have, their weight upon the lenders of money to _public bodies_ or nations. If then we consider and compare Britain and America in these several particulars, upon the question, "To which is it safest to lend money?" We shall find,

1. Respecting _former loans_, that America, who borrowed ten millions during the last war, for the maintenance of her army of 25,000 men and other charges, had faithfully discharged and paid that debt, and all her other debts, in 1772. Whereas Britain, during those ten years of peace and profitable commerce, had made little or no reduction of her debt; but on the contrary, from time to time, diminished the hopes of her creditors, by a wanton diversion and misapplication of the sinking fund destined for discharging it.

2. Respecting _industry_; every man in America is employed; the greater part in cultivating their own lands, the rest in handicrafts, navigation, and commerce. An idle man there is a rarity; idleness and inutility are disgraceful. In England the number of that character is immense, fashion has spread it far and wide; hence the embarrassments of private fortunes, and the daily bankruptcies arising from a universal fondness for appearance and expensive pleasures, and hence, in some degree, the mismanagement of public business; for habits of business, and ability in it, are acquired only by practice; and where universal dissipation, and the perpetual pursuit of amusement are the mode, the youth educated in it can rarely afterwards acquire that patient attention and close application to affairs, which are so necessary to a statesman charged with the care of national welfare. _Hence_ their frequent errors in policy, and hence the weariness at public councils, and backwardness in going to them, the constant unwillingness to engage in any measure that requires thought and consideration, and the readiness for postponing every new proposition; which postponing is therefore the only part of business they come to be expert in, an expertness produced necessarily by so much daily practice. Whereas in America, men bred to close employment in their private affairs attend with ease to those of the public when engaged in them, and nothing fails through negligence.

This volume of Jared Sparks's compilation presents the diplomatic correspondence of the American Revolution, focusing on Benjamin Franklin's letters from France between 1776 and 1778. The excerpts show Franklin and his colleagues crafting arguments for French support, emphasizing mutual benefit rather than abstract ideals. A recurring feature is the detailed enumeration of strategic advantages—such as the cost burden on Britain and the protection of trade—presented to French ministers.

The catalog subjects list "United States -- Foreign relations -- 1775-1783" and "United States -- History -- Revolution, 1775-1783 -- Sources," which accurately describe the content. However, the secondary topics "biology-natural-history" and the category "Fantasy & Juvenile Worlds" are misapplied; this is a historical document of statecraft, not speculative fiction or natural science.

Franklin's Rhetoric of Mutual Advantage

The correspondence reveals a consistent rhetorical strategy: Franklin frames American needs as opportunities for France. In a letter to the Committee of Secret Correspondence, he argues that a French naval force would "put the English" to "four times the cost" of maintaining a comparable force, while also protecting trade and enabling a "speedy termination of the war." He lists four numbered points—expense, seamen, protection, and decisive advantage—to make his case concrete. This pragmatic, almost mercantile tone contrasts with the revolutionary language found in other contemporary documents. Franklin avoids appeals to liberty or tyranny, instead emphasizing fiscal and military logic. The excerpts show him carefully balancing deference to French judgment with persistent advocacy: "All we can do is to point out what we conceive will be most useful to her as well as to us, and submit to her determination."

The Practicalities of Naval Strategy

A striking feature of the correspondence is the detailed discussion of naval operations. Franklin argues that New York and Charleston are "untenable against a naval force" and that reducing them requires "a naval force" to be accomplished in "a few weeks." He contrasts this with the difficulty of land-based campaigns, which would involve "immense expense of men and ammunition." The letters also address logistical concerns: the need for ships, the management of bills, and the coordination of combined operations. One passage notes that Congress has discharged the commission for a treaty with Britain, signaling shifting diplomatic priorities. These details ground the diplomatic narrative in tangible military realities, showing how correspondence served as a conduit for strategic planning rather than mere formalities.

Editorial Framing and Source Context

Sparks's editorial apparatus is minimal in the excerpts, but the title page and contents list indicate a systematic arrangement by correspondent. The volume is part of a series published "under the Direction of the President of the United States" from manuscripts in the Department of State. This official provenance suggests a purpose of documenting the nation's founding diplomacy. However, the excerpts do not include Sparks's own commentary or annotations, leaving the letters to speak for themselves. Readers should note that the text is a selection—the full correspondence likely includes many more letters. The catalog's secondary subject "biology-natural-history" is entirely absent from the excerpts, which focus exclusively on political and military affairs. This mismatch highlights the importance of verifying subject tags against actual content.

Readers approaching this volume should expect dense, formal correspondence that rewards close attention to argument and detail. The letters are not narratives but working documents—requests, reports, and analyses—that reveal the mechanics of early American diplomacy. For those interested in the strategic thinking of the Revolution, this collection offers direct access to the reasoning of key figures like Franklin, without the filter of later historical interpretation. Comparing these letters to the official records of Congress or French ministerial responses would provide a fuller picture of the negotiations.

There’s something about old letters—how Franklin’s careful pleas for aid feel less like history and more like a quiet, patient mind at work. It lingered with me the way Critical, Historical, and Miscellaneous Essays; Vol. 5 With a Memoir and Index — A Closer Reading once did, as if each page were a hand resting on mine, unhurried and honest.

Benjamin Moore
3 weeks ago

Michael Jackson
1 week ago

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    Jonathan Buck - 2 weeks ago
    An indispensable resource for anyone interested in the American Revolution. This volume of diplomatic correspondence sheds light on the complex international relations and negotiations that were crucial to the colonies' success. The original letters, well-organized and annotated, provide a rich, firsthand account of diplomacy in action. It's a treasure trove of primary sources that makes history come alive. Highly recommended for scholars and history lovers.

  • ...
    Stephanie Aaron Ramirez - 2 weeks ago
    This book is a solid compilation of primary diplomatic documents from the Revolution. It's clearly a scholarly work, with detailed correspondence that illuminates the era's foreign policy. The downside is that the language is archaic and the content is dense, requiring a patient reader. For academic purposes, it's excellent, but general readers might find it slow-going. Still, it's a valuable reference.

  • ...
    Brittany Cervantes - 1 week ago
    This compilation feels like a dumping ground of unsorted letters without adequate contextual explanation. The sheer volume of correspondence is overwhelming, and the lack of modern commentary makes it difficult for the non-specialist to discern key events or significance. The archaic spellings and formatting hinder readability. Unless you are a dedicated historian, this book is a tedious slog with little payoff.


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